| Boycott 
              Israel? Not so simple
 Dina EzzatAl-Ahram Weekly Online
 11 - 17 April 2002
 Issue No.581
 
 Slamming Israel with an Arab boycott is not quite as straightforward 
              as some might think.
 
 
 "The Council of Arab Foreign Ministers has decided to implement 
              the relevant paragraphs of the final communiqué of the Beirut 
              Summit concerning the suspension of establishing any relations with 
              Israel, in view of the setbacks to the peace process...[It has also 
              decided to] reactivate the Arab Bureau for the Boycott of Israel, 
              until such time as Israel responds by implementing resolutions of 
              international legitimacy, honouring the terms of reference of the 
              Madrid Peace Conference and withdrawing from occupied Arab territories 
              to the 4 June 1967 boundaries."  So reads article six of the communiqué adopted last Saturday 
              by Arab foreign ministers during an extraordinary session of the 
              Arab League devoted to examining how best to answer Israel's reoccupation 
              of the Palestinian territories.  Theoretically, the Arab Bureau for the Boycott of Israel is supposed 
              to examine those "relevant paragraphs," (as well as other 
              similar language adopted during the Beirut Summit and last month's 
              meeting of the Arab Council of Foreign Ministers), and put its resolutions 
              into practice when it meets later this month at its Damascus headquarters. 
             But in fact, little concrete action is likely.  "Boycotting Israel is something that we talk about and include 
              in our official documents but it is not something that we actually 
              carry out -- at least not in most Arab states," commented one 
              Arab official.  His statement is revealing. Talk of reviving an Arab economic boycott 
              of Israel has featured in every communiqué emanating from 
              Arab meetings since the 2000 Cairo Arab Summit convened in the wake 
              of the Intifada. Since then, however, rhetoric has outstripped reality. 
              Indeed, the only meeting of the Damascus-based Arab Bureau for the 
              Boycott of Israel yet to take place (in October 2001) since then 
              was marked by the absence of three Arab countries. Egypt and Jordan 
              excused themselves on the basis of their peace agreements with Israel, 
              while Mauritania decided to miss the meeting with the gnomic comment 
              that it found its relations with Israel "particularly helpful 
              to the Palestinian cause."  The April meeting is unlikely to be any different. Like the October 
              meeting, it will focus solely on "operational logistics" 
              rather than invoking the terms of boycott against Israel.  One reason for the bureau's impotence is the lack of political 
              will on the part of most Arab states for a boycott of Israel. "Syria, 
              Lebanon, Libya and Iraq are the only countries that are in favour. 
              The remainder of the Arab League's 22 members are actually opposed 
              to the idea. They see it as a non-starter," commented an Arab 
              source. He added, "It is not only Egypt and Jordan (who are 
              bound by peace treaties with Israel)."  The other countries also oppose changes in policy that might negatively 
              affect their wider economic interests, whether in relation to the 
              oil industry or financial aid.  Another equally important reason why the boycott bureau is so ineffectual 
              is its lack of a comprehensive database listing which firms do business 
              with which countries.  In theory, there are three degrees of possible boycott. Under the 
              remit of the first and easiest, direct cooperation between an Arab 
              company and an Israeli company is outlawed. "That is the simple 
              one. Most Arab countries, other than Egypt, Jordan and Mauritania, 
              would say that they have no direct cooperation with Israeli companies," 
              commented an Arab diplomat.  The second and third degrees of boycott are less straightforward. 
              They prohibit an Arab company cooperating with an Israeli company 
              through a third party, or an Arab company cooperating with any foreign 
              company that also does business with an Israeli firm.  "Now who can imagine that Saudi Arabia, for example, will 
              sever its ties with major American oil companies just because those 
              companies have ties with Israel? This would be totally unrealistic," 
              commented a diplomatic source.  Moreover, boycotting Israel is something the US disapproves of 
              utterly, the source said. Upsetting Washington is something that 
              almost every Arab state wants to avoid.  "Last year, there was a move to boycott a big US cosmetics 
              company because its owner was linked to Israel's settlement activities. 
              This move was clearly suspended after US pressure," commented 
              an informed source.  Nor is the practical task of identifying suitable targets for second 
              or third degree boycott anywhere near complete. Given the complicated 
              measures and criteria involved in deciding the origin of many products 
              it is next to impossible to know what is and what is not a product 
              originally sourced from Israel. Israel, for example, may sell raw 
              plant fertiliser to Europe. There, the fertiliser is stamped as 
              being of European origin, having been processed and packed there. 
              So, for an Arab country to boycott that particular brand of plant 
              fertiliser it would need to have accurate information on the entire 
              inventory chain, which would be no mean feat.  In the absence, then, of complete lists specifying which companies 
              fall under the remit of the second or third degrees of boycott, 
              talk of a serious, concerted Arab effort is unrealistic, even if 
              that effort were to exclude those countries that have direct economic 
              ties with Israel.  Compiling complete boycott lists is, of course, where the Arab 
              Bureau for the Boycott of Israel could be of most use. It could 
              carry out investigations by cooperating with Arab League diplomatic 
              missions overseas, and the embassies of the Arab states in all non-Arab 
              capitals.  "But this has not been happening at all for many, many years, 
              and there is no reason why anyone should assume that any effort 
              will be made on this front now," commented an Arab League source. 
              He added, "In fact, the secretariat of the Arab League has 
              not issued directives to its missions to pursue this effort since 
              we only know too well the stance of most of the Arab states on this 
              matter."  A final cause of Arab misgiving is that boycotting Israel may cause 
              a counter- reaction in the West. Some Western countries must, by 
              law, impose economic sanctions on countries that boycott Israel. 
              This would entail serious difficulties for any Arab country that 
              wants to boycott Israel yet remains keen to export to wealthy Western 
              countries, or receive financial aid from their governments.  "As a matter of fact, we do not know exactly how far we can 
              apply a boycott and what economic consequences it would entail for 
              Arab economies. There has been no comprehensive study that deals 
              with this issue either on the part of governments or non-governmental 
              organisations," commented an Arab diplomat. He added, "The 
              fact that this study has not been done, nor even assigned, is clear 
              evidence that we are not really serious about planning a boycott." 
             The Arab diplomats and officials willing to admit this are not 
              few. "This is the way things are, but public opinion refuses 
              to accept it. That is why we have to have this language in the documents 
              coming out of our meetings," said one diplomat. But the fact 
              of the matter is, he said, that it is up to the people to boycott 
              Israeli products wherever they can identify them.  That may be easier said than done. In Arab countries, where the 
              origin of a product is not always specified, its true source may 
              be shrouded in mystery.  "Our government should tell us. We want the government to 
              print in the papers the full lists of Israeli products," commented 
              one housewife.  But this, Egyptian officials argue, could be construed as flying 
              in the face of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty.  And even if a government, in Egypt for example, decided to print 
              such a list, more mundane concerns may finally determine whether 
              a particular product would be blacklisted or not.  "Of course, I would boycott. I should feel ashamed of myself 
              if I did not," said one Cairo taxi driver.  But another disagreed. "No. Everything is so expensive. If 
              I can find something cheaper than the rest I will buy it, no matter 
              who it is made by," he said.    
 Ghosts 
              of boycotts past   ARAB COUNTRIES first used economic boycotts against Israel's economy 
              over 50 years ago. Dina Ezzat looks back. The idea of an Arab boycott of Israeli products first saw the light 
              of day in 1951. For over two decades following that date, Arab governments 
              wielded the boycott as an effective political and economic weapon 
              against their regional neighbour. Then, in 1979, Egypt broke ranks 
              and signed a peace treaty with the Jewish state. The remaining Arab 
              countries continued to observe the terms of the boycott until the 
              1991 Madrid peace conference, when talk of boycott was replaced 
              by talk of Arab-Israeli regional cooperation. During the following 
              decade, the Arab Bureau for the Boycott of Israel met only once, 
              inconclusively and briefly, in 1993.  Fast-forward to today, and the new globalised economic order has 
              made boycotting Israel's economy far more problematic than once 
              it was (see main feature). Which is why, during a period of seething 
              tension between the Arab states and Israel, the old weapon, both 
              as concept and practice, is failing to muster the strength it had 
              in the bygone days of the 1950s and 1960s. 
 
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